National President of the Young Liberals doesn't think the NSW Liberals are right-wing enough

Alex Hawke, the 27 year old president of the national young liberals, has come out attacking the wets (also known as the moderates) in the Liberal Party, and telling them to go to the Democrats, Labor or the Greens. At 27, he ought to be past such immaturity, but I suppose sometimes maturity doesn't come with age. I can understand to some extent where he is coming from - I once held radical views such as the ones he is now espousing, but then I grew up.
Unfortunately I am not sure his attitude is limited to the Young Liberals. There are certainly echoes of it in the top office of the land, and Peter Costello is reported to be constantly frustrated by the Prime Minister's ill-informed and reactionary-right views to the extent of wanting to explode and tell the PM to "get a life".
Here is what Hawke had to say:
I take the view that in the state Liberal Party... we don't have a clear, ideological cut-out. Federally, we've done it. Nobody can argue that we're not tough on [illegal] refugees, or that we don't take a tough-on-drugs approach, whereas at State level we try to be in a lot of places at once. We haven't carved out our own niche...Nobody joins the Liberal Party to be left-wing. If you stand for compulsory student unionism, drug-injecting rooms and lowering the [homosexual] age of consent, you can choose the Greens, Labor or the Democrats
So there you have it - if you don't support the religious right, Hawke wants you out of the party. That's some change from the past attitude, where Liberals have always claimed their party is a "broad church" prepared to accept a wide range of views. When I was working a polling booth during the election, one of the Liberal workers made an effort to impress on me that they were such a broad church, and that my views were well within what would be accepted there.
Yet according to Hawke, the party is only a broad political church for those who belong to a narrow, bigoted and intolerant religious one.
Hawke's list of the offences of the right demonstrates an attitude centred not on an ideology in the general sense, but on blind dogma founded in nothing other than ignorance. For example, opposing compulsory student unionism arises largely from a belief that student unions are analogous to trade unions, or that their primary role is to express a political point of view. Neither is true, although a student union will have some role in raising political issues that relate to students because they are students - such as taking positions against increased fees. Such a political position is entirely appropriate, and student unions have taken up such issues against both Liberal and Labor governments, albeit with limited effectiveness due largely to lack of understanding of effective lobbying practices. Yet the primary role of student unions is to provide services on campus that, although not forming part of the core teaching mission of the university, are nevertheless necessary and appropriate support functions.
Opposition to lowering the age of consent for homosexual males is a position for which I am entirely unaware of any objective, secular argument. If we limit ourselves to rational argument without an appeal to a deity for validation, then we must come to the conclusion that either a person of age 16 is competent to make decisions about what they will do - or allow to be done - to their own body, or they are not. The sex of the person to whom they give consent is an entirely irrelevant on an objective and secular level.
Taking a harsh stance around injection rooms - and other new approaches to dealing with the problems of illicit drugs - may win Hawke acclaim in the corridors of the religious right, but it hardly makes objective, rational sense. Harsh prohibition against the users has been the policy for over 70 years now, but it does not seem to have worked. It is often said that insanity is trying the same thing and expecting a different result, but to try the same thing for 70 years and continue to expect some different result has to be the pinnacle of idiocy. If you are more concerned about punishing people who make a poor choice, then continued and even harsher prohibition against drug users may make sense, but some of us would prefer to actually reduce drug abuse and work towards eliminating it entirely. This requires exploring new approaches to the problem, not mindlessly following a policy set out three generations ago.
But in that attitude is a clue to the real problem of the religious right. The problem is not that they hold certain beliefs - the problem is that they require others to act according to their religious beliefs, and if others fail to do so then they must be punished severely. Their beliefs are simply not subject to challenge, because they stem from a divine source that is absolutely correct, and it is a heresy to question them. The problem is, they are incapable of recognising the absurdity of forcing those beliefs on others when others hold with equal strength incompatible beliefs stemming from a competing divine source, or in the case of secular humanism, a source based on a theory of logic. How are we supposed to choose between competing beliefs of this strength? The religious right will say "you choose us because we are right and we can prove it". But in that they are no different from competing religions, who are equally certain the Christian religion is wrong and equally certain they can prove it.
Do not misinterpret my comments as a condemnation of religion - in fact the Gospels teach in the clearest possible terms that you should not force your sense of morality on others who do not share it, and that doing so is one of the greatest sins of all - my comments are a condemnation of those who seek to impose a set of morals stemming from their religious beliefs on others who do not share them.
The use of the coercive power of the State is an entirely inappropriate tool for advocating religious morality. It is wrong to force somebody to adhere to a set of moral rules (and I continue to distinguish between moral rules and ethical ones) that they do not share.
Alex Hawke's comments deserve the strongest possible condemnation. A quick glance at clause 2 of the Constitution of the Liberal Party of Australia shows that the party was founded with principles including "dedicated to the freedom and dignity of man" (cl. 2(a)), "in which intelligent, free and liberal Australian democracy shall be maintained by" (cl. 2(d)) "freedom of speech, religion and association" (cl. 2(d)(iii)) and "freedom of citizens to choose their own way of living and of life, subject to the rights of others" (cl. 2(d)(iv)).
Hawke's tirade against homosexuals and condemnation of drug users is entirely incompatible with that. In fact his religious right view offends against many of the core principles of the Liberal Party as embodied in clause 2 of its Constitution. If anybody should be departing the Liberal Party, it should be those in the bigoted and intolerant religious right, with Alex Hawke leading the exodus. Hawke's comments do not represent the values that lie at the core of Liberal Party values, but rather represent the rants of a small minded person who lacks the maturity that ought to come with his years.


Well I guess the social
Well I guess the social elites in our society have hijacked what the majority of the Liberal Party stands for, and that is the conservative values that the majority of Australians support.
Without people like Alex Hawke as President, we wouldn't see policy development that is expressed in such a wide and diverse spectrum; it's about free speech and democracy, and something the authors of this web site certainly do not wish upon Australia.
Having the leadership of the Federal Young Liberals being led by Alex Hawke is something every Australian should aspire to, and follow, it's in everyone's best interest. It's also something known as freedom.
You overloaded my non-sequitur detector
I should preface this with the following note: my position on comments is that I will allow them as long as they are a genuine attempt to contribute intelligently to discussion. Thus far I have only disallowed comments for 3 reasons: (1) off-topic comments; (2) comments that identify the sender and which it would not be in the best interests of the sender for them to be published (after discussion with the sender); and (3) trolling attempts or other abusive content not relevant to or forming part of logical argument. I may also disallow thing that are defamatory or otherwise illegal, although I am more likely to adjust the post so it is no longer illegal, indicating where bits had to be taken out.
You state that a majority of Australians support "conservative values", by which I take you to mean conservative social values, and more particularly, conservative (perhaps Christian right?) morality. You also state that you believe that the majority of the Liberal Party stands for the same thing, with the underlying implication that this is a central tenet (or even the central tenet) of the Liberal Party.
I would be curious as to where you get the data to support the assertion that a majority of Australians back a religious-right social agenda. While such support may be the majority among certain groups - especially those who make it past Alan Jones' team of censors to be heard on the air and perhaps his audience - that does not necessarily translate into majority support across society, which would require a more systematic survey as supporting evidence.
As a tenet of the party, I see nothing in the federal constitution of the party that supports the idea of forcing some set of social values on others, but there is lots there supporting the concept of individual freedom. In fact a basic premise underlying Locke's treatises on liberalism is that any limits on individual freedom had to be objectively justified. (I am more of a Jeffersonian liberal than a Lockean liberal, so I tend to be even more in favour of individual liberty than Locke).
My suggestion that Alex Hawke leave the party was not meant to be taken seriously, as you seem to have taken it. Rather it was meant to illustrate the absurdity of his suggestion that the wets leave because their viewpoints are incompatible with membership of the party. I was merely pointing out that if some subset of viewpoints should lead people to leave, then it should be those viewpoints that are incompatible with clause 2 of the federal constitution of the party.
That said, I don't see how you think that having a particular person as federal president of the Young Liberals is in the interests of diversity or freedom of speech, especially when that person believes those who have differing views should leave. Surely that is the opposite of supporting diverse views and freedom of speech? Nor do I see how "Having the leadership of the Federal Young Liberals being led by Alex Hawke" should be an aspirational goal of other people (especially since it is a present fact and so could hardly be an aspiration), or could in itself be "something known as freedom". Whether it is "in everyone's best interest" is something that might be capable of being supported by logical argument, but I don't see any real supporting argument for it here.
You might want to have another go at making a logical argument here.
Leading Liberals seem to agree
Since I wrote this entry, John Brogden has also stated that Alex Hawke's comments are inconsistent with the nature of the Liberal Party. Tony Abbott has also expressed, in terms perhaps less strong than mine, that religion has no role to play in policy development - rather that the underlying guideline should be considerations of humanity, saying that:
The last sentence appears to be merely another way of stating my point that it is impossible to objectively choose between strong but conflicting religious beliefs.
On abortion and euthanasia, Abbott said:
While this latter approach is somewhat better than a religious one, it still contains embedded in it several assumptions that come from a personal view rather than logic. But that's what makes these issues so difficult - at the root of them it comes down to the view a person takes on a particular issue. In politics it is necessary to separate the personal view from the public policy view. In my own case, my personal view on abortion and my public policy view are very different things.
In the case of euthanasia, the subjective view is the view not so much of the value of life, but of who has the greater interest in the decision over its continuance. If the answer is the person whose life it is, then the outcome is normally to favour euthanasia (although there are other arguments against euthanasia, predominantly the slippery slope and related arguments). If the answer is that the State has the greater interest in that decision, then the outcome is normally to favour a ban on euthanasia. But it is necessary to recognise the existence of a subjective viewpoint. Liberal political theory would normally assign the decision to the individual whose life it is.
In the case of abortion, it is not so much whether you value human life in the way Abbott suggests - the largest part of the issue is when you call it human life. The law has historically treated human life as beginning at birth, and many parts of the law still do. Anti-abortion views treat human life as beginning earlier - with the high point of this view being that life begins at the moment of conception. But bioethicists will ask why the line should be drawn there. Scientifically, human life is an unbroken chain back to the first humans - the egg and sperm being themselves a form of life. To draw a line at the point where these combine into a fertilised egg is somewhat arbitrary, and there are arguments for drawing the line elsewhere.
When faced with issues like this, we may hold a very strong view at one end of the spectrum or another. Even though religion may not be the factor that determines our view, a full and frank analysis of the issues leads to the conclusion that "many of the truths we cling to depend greatly on our own point of view". If we are unable to divorce the outcome from underlying beliefs (or points of view) that can reasonably go in either direction, then we have a problem that is not an appropriate area for the use of the coercive power of the State, but rather should be left to persuasion - whether by church groups or secular organisations.